A Balanced Approach to Residency Rules for Local Government Employees, offers a summary of judicial treatment of residency rules under the federal and state constitutions, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, estoppel and state labor relations laws. Its author discusses attempts by public employee unions to outlaw residency rules and urges state legislatures to reject union efforts to ban such rules. He concludes that the decision to adopt residency rules should be left up to local officials.
The president of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees us leading the line of union lobbyists to Capitol Hill to push for congressional passage of
S. 1622/H.R. 3160, a companion bill that would extend coverage under the Occupational Safety and Health Reform Act to public sector workers. The author of this article not only questions the need to expand coverage of the act to the public sector, but observes that properly administered worker compensation programs at the state level can make the act itself redundant.
In the 1950's nonunion workers began seeking legal redress to forced union membership and the use of their agency shop fees to advance the political causes they opposed. A significant number of U.S. Supreme Court rulings have resulted and are the subject of "The Permissable Use of Forced Union Dues From Hanson to Beck", by Dr. Charles Baird. The author provides a discussion of the initial federal and state statutes regulating unionism and carries it through to the 1986 Hudson and 1988 Beck decisions that finally required unions to return that portion of nonmember's dues that did not go directly towards the collective bargaining process.
The authors of this article examine the extent to which publicly-owned or quasi-public firms differ from private concerns in the compensation packages they offer their workers. They found that regulated firms are guided by the same incentives as public firms.
As state governments grapple with burgeoning budget deficits, it becomes vital for them to take a cold, practical look at the pay and compensation packages offered to thier often unionized work force in order to better judge union leaders demands for increased benfits. The Public Affairs Institute of New Jersey has compared the relative compensation of public sector with that of private sector workers in that state and has published its results in State Government Employee Compensation in Perspective.
It seems these days that whenever bad news about the failure of our schools to educate the next generation of workers or a dip in our economic growth is publicized, Japan is once again held up as a role model. But what do we know about public sector unionism in Japan? Curiously, little has been written on the subject and is a shortcoming that Dr. Kate Laskowitz takes a step towards rectifying in The Paradox in Japanese Public Sector Unionism: Enterprise Unionism and Political Movement, a piece that explains the origins of public sector unions in Japan. It focuses on the paradox of the public sector which contains both a highly cooperative form of unionism, known as enterprise unionism, and a highly political public sector allied with the Japanese Socialist Party.
Public and private sector labor relations in Bermuda and the island's high per capita income are effected by one reality, tourism. This linkage has steadily drawn the government into the resolution of labor disputes in the hotel industry, the key tourist business, transforming labor relations from one of direct negotiations into a "public utility" model. The government's patchwork, union-appeasement policies has provided Dr. Leo Troy with the miasmic metaphor for the title of his article, The Bermuda Quagmire: A Public Utility System of Labor Relations.
Dr. Troy suggests that an alternative to Bermuda's public utility model is an active and positive management policy that takes the initiative in bargaining. Corollaries to a new managerial policy are public policies to provide for the decertification of unneeded unions and procedures to ensure secret balloting in the election of union officers and in membership voting on new collective bargaining agreements.
Dr. Gene Geisert observes that the latest research illustrates the need for effective leadership in the schools by revealing the abject failure of teacher and parent empowerment experiments, a reality largely ignored by the press. It is the principals, given more power to run their schools and be held accountable for thier results, that are the real key to school reform.
Wisconsin enacted the first collective bargaining law for teachers in 1962. In the Spring of 1992, Louisiana legislators voted down union backed legislation that would have extended bargaining for state teachers. There are some analysts who contend that the decline in the quality of American public school education can be blamed on teacher bargaining laws. Dr. Myron Lieberman offers his Reflections on the Rationales for Teacher Bargaining from the perspective of an educator who has been intimately involved with the issue since its inception thirty years ago.
Over the last two decades, the American public school has been forced to witness a continuing deterioration in the quality of the nation's public school system. Despite a 33 percent increase in per pupil expenditure between 1981 and 1991, despite the promulgation of numerous reform packages, there has been no improvement in student performance. What, precisely, has been the nature of those theoretical or imposed reforms, and what school districts must do in the future to reverse the trend, is addressed by researchers at Kent State University in this article.