In Controlling The Demand For Taxes Through Competitive Incentives, public policy consultants Wendell Cox and Jean Love argue that the federal, state and local governments already extract more than enough money in taxes to provide all the public services demanded by citizens. What is needed to curb government waste and inefficiency is simply the contracting out of more services.
In Labor Law Reform: Lessons From History, Dr. Charles W. Baird offers "a revisionist view of some of the major events in the history of American labor unions. He does this to refute what he perceives to be the erroneous belief that what is good for unions must also be good for workers.
Dr. Baird provides a reasoned exposition of the philosophical and theoretical perspectives from which he works, culminating in his support of noted economist W. H. Hutt's assertion that the Norris-La-Guardia and Wagner acts were "economic blunders of the first magnitude." Basing his view on John Locke's theory of natural rights, as expounded by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, Dr. Baird argues that human rights must be generalized to all citizens and that acts conceived to give power to unions serve only to reduce individual rights. The essay concludes with a model for reform legislation that can be passed to replace the two infamous acts.
In On Strikers and Their Replacements, Dr. Charles W Baird examines the nature of this new legislation in light of the Court's rulings and the 1935 Wagner Act. He follows up a discussion of what some describe as a worker's "natural" right to strike with a critical examination of unionists' arguments favoring passage of the legislation, before presenting his own for retaining the status quo.
As a rule, strikes are called to win wage concessions and nowhere has this been more characteristic over the last three decades than in the labor relations of school districts and their teacher unions. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, teachers' salaries have been rising more rapidly than any other generic group of employees, to an average annual income of $33,015. Still, the usual refrain of union negotiators is that teachers' pay is lower than that of comparably employed workers in the private sector. Yet never, until now, has any factual evidence been brought to bear on that assertion.
The importance of school officials retaining control over the decision making process is echoed in Dr. Grover Baldwin in "Structural Educational Reform and Management Perogatives." His emphasis is on the specific areas of site based management - like control over classroom standards, evaluation criteria, certification, merit pay and the power of principals - where unions have tried to wrest away officials' authority.
The author discerns hope in the fact that in each of these areas a number of legislatures, school boards and their administrators have begun to use the current reform movement to attempt to reassert their authority. What is even more hopeful is that a number of state courts have upheld their endeavors.
Dr. Lieberman postulates that the main reason that reformers fail to enact their proposals, like union tuition tax credits, over union opposition, is directly related to strategic deficiencies. What reformers suffer from is a pervasive lack of knowledge and insight about the dynamics of unions and the intricacies of their operations, including thier leadership and finances.
A study by the Pennsylvania Economy League evaluating the salary differential between public school teachers and local private sector compensation, prior to the 1991-92 bargaining session. The study found that, rather than being underpaid, teachers in York County are receiving higher pay for less time worked than other private sector professionals including: accountants, chemists, engineers, nurses and social workers.
The authors offer a comparison between the ongoing British Columbian experience with unionization to that transpiring in the United States.
Learning The ABC's The Hard Way: Teacher Unionism In The 1990's examines the processes that brought about that change and its resultant effect on the local school systems. Its authors, Drs. Gene Geisert and Carol Chandler, anxious to find a balanced approach to meeting the needs of educating children, offer a comparison between the ongoing British Columbian experience with that transpiring in the United States. They conclude that any serious attempt to improve our nations' educational systems must take into consideration the vital necessity that school management remain in the hands of school boards and their principals. Teachers should be free to do what they have supposedly been trained to do, teach; and not, as their unions would prefer; run the schools.
An area of abiding concern is the quality of education that America's children receive and how to improve it. Perhaps one of the most direct means of achieving some degree of improvement, is to establish a program for evaluating the abilities of classroom teachers. One method for appraising the performance of educators, while it may come under the guise of various names, is that of peer review. It is that method that is examined by the authors of this article.
During a four day period between October 17 and 21, 1991, Canada's leftist New Democratic Party (NDP) swept the legislative elections in the country's western provinces of British Columbia and Saskatchewan. Coupled with the party's capture of the populous province of Ontario in September 1990, on the provincial level NDP now rules over more than l3.6 million of Canada's 26 million citizens.
In Ontario, the NDP has already proposed legislation that would amend the Ontario Labor Relations Act and create a new model of labor relations in the province. The measure would essentially relinquish all power to the unions by allowing a showing of only 20 percent support in prospective bargaining units to certify a union. It would bar managerial employees from keeping a company operating during a strike, prohibit the contracting out for services without the striking union's permission and prohibit the hiring of permanent striker replacement workers. The sole purpose of this type of legislation is to bolster a decline in what Dr. Leo Troy refers to as the old, or private sector, unionism.
Yet, admirers of Canadian labor policies, who advocate that they be adopted as a model for the United States to emulate, do so under the mistaken belief that they have been responsible for averting a decline in union density. It is a fallacy that Dr. Troy corrects in Canada's Labor Policies: A Paradigm for the United States?,noting that what analysts have missed is the transference in both countries of workers from the private to the public sector payrolls. To the degree that Canadian policy promotes the growth of public sector unionism it hardly merits emulation.
The largest public sector union in the United States is the National Education Association. It uses its resources to preserve its existence and influence, frequently becoming the major stumbling block to reform of the nation's education system.